Formation of Palestinian Identity

Palestinians have been divided and systematically fragmented since the Nakba (disaster) of 1948 which tore them from their homes and dispersed them across the world. There are those living within Israel who are separated from those living in the West Bank, and both are cut off from those in Gaza; Palestinians living in refugee camps throughout the Arab world and those in the global Diaspora.

Currently, there is an estimated 9.3-10 million Palestinians worldwide and despite the geographical boundaries, Palestinian identity remains strong for the very same reason it was formed; to resist and unite against occupation.

The dynamics of Palestinian Identity

Palestinian identity has always been at the heart of the Israel-Palestine conflict not only because it inextricably links Palestinians with their homeland but because it is also a means of resistance. It is a constant reminder of what was taken away from the Palestinians and a symbol of the ongoing battle with Israel for their right of existence. While many people relate the Palestinian struggle to those living in the West Bank and Gaza, those living within Israel face an equally difficult battle for their Palestinian identity.

As Nadim Nashif, the director of Baladna (Our Homeland in Arabic) an organization which works to foster Palestinian identity in youth living in Israel, remarks: "Particularly for those living in Israel, expressing Palestinian identity is a form of resistance to the Israeli occupation. It is a way to say 'No' to the injustice and the discrimination that they face. When you feel threatened and are not treated as an equal but a second-class citizen, identity becomes something that you carry with you and try to protect."

Around the 19th century, Palestinian identity was being carefully articulated under the Ottoman Empire around religion, notions of Arabism and Palestine as a homeland. These loyalties were carefully balanced with a sense of allegiance to family as society was organized around small agricultural units as well as around a regional commitment to wider Arab nationalism. This unity was subsequently strengthened by the colonial occupation of the British Mandate from 1920-1948 as well as the powerful Zionist movement which began to displace the Palestinians through Jewish mass migration.

The formative stages of the Palestinian identity occurred under colonial rule and threat of occupation and were reflected in the need to unite the entire Palestinian nation against a common threat. As Nashif explains; "When you have a big conflict, the small issues suddenly don't seem important. I mean there are obviously natural tensions between Muslim and Christian Palestinians but as there is a national conflict, religious divisions are less significant."

'Arab Israeli' identity was to disconnect Palestinians from their Palestinian identity. © Arwa Aburawa

A Motivated Palestinian-Free Identity

This unity and strength of the Palestinian identity, however, seems to pose a risk to the Israeli state. You only have to look at the way with which the Israeli government suppressed the celebrations of Jerusalem as Capital of Arab Culture 2009. They see that the expression of Palestinian identity and pride as a direct threat.

Furthermore, Nashif points to the attempts by the Israeli government to weaken the Palestinian identity by issuing an alternative 'Arab Israeli' IDs. “Since the 1950's, Israel has tried to create the terminology of Arab Israelis which we think is incorrect mainly because we are Palestinians. The main idea behind forcing the 'Arab Israeli' identity was to disconnect Palestinians from their Palestinian identity and to say that these are just Arabs who are also Israelis.”

It was very clear from the beginning that the Israeli state wanted to proliferate this notion of Arab Israeli's, especially among the Palestinian youths living in Israel. Through the Israeli Ministry of Education they created a curriculum which did not mention Palestine or even the word Palestinians.

As Nashif states, “In the 1948 war there were at least two stories; there is the Zionist discourse and also the Palestinian discourse- basically we (Palestinians living in Israel) learnt the Zionist discourse. Anything related to Palestinian literature or poets such as Mahmoud Darwish is not allowed in the curriculum and any Arab history is from the Middle Ages.”

“On the other hand,” Nashif adds, “everything related to the Jewish people is obligatory in our schools, ranging from literature, religion, the Zionist movement. I think it’s good to learn about Jewish people, the problem starts when you only learn about the majority and you hardly learn anything about yourself.” Baladna, the youth organization, works to combat this bias by providing informal education about Palestinian history and providing an open environment to discuss issues of identity that these young Palestinians face in their daily lives.

Barriers of Occupation

Acknowledging Palestine or Palestinians is clearly problematic for the Israeli State. How could Israel refer to Palestine and claim to have formed the Israeli State in a 'land with no people for a people with no land?' at the same time. Nashif explains that the Israeli government simply reacted by suppressing the Palestinian identity of those who remained in the '48 territories: "The pressure is not to say that you are an Arab but to say that you are an Israeli Arab in way which is new and is disconnected from the Palestinian identity. All of us still define ourselves as Arabs, this is nothing controversial but the point of the Arab Israeli identity is to impose a newly created identity which is more politically convenient for the government."

Although the Israeli occupation has placed numerous barriers (sometimes in the shape of very solid walls) in the path of Palestinian unity, Rashid Khalidi the Palestinian historian states that "a strong sense of (Palestinian) identity developed in spite of, and in some cases because of, the obstacles it faced."

Everyday at a checkpoint, land border or airport a Palestinians are irrevocably reminded of their identity; not as Arabs, a Muslims or a Christians but as a Palestinian under Israeli occupation. "The occupation makes you stick with your identity" reiterates Nashif. "Even if you are a person who doesn't want to mess with politics or doesn't identify themselves as Palestinian and you want to feel Israeli; when you go to the airport you face the same discrimination and profiling, undressing and other humiliating scenes and then of course you think again."

It seems that the quintessential Palestinian experience of anxiety at modern barriers, where identities are checked and verified, consolidates that the Palestinians are in fact a united people. As Khalidi writes, "What happens to Palestinians at these crossing points brings home to them how much they share in common as people."

Sources:

Rashid Khalidi. Palestinian Identity; The construction of modern national consciousness. (New York, Columbia University Press, 1997).

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Keeping the cause alive: Is assimilation leading to annihilation of Palestinian identity?

The Arab: Issue 6 (Nov/Dec 2008)

Palestinian refugees are a major unifying facet of Palestinian identity and an important symbol of Palestinian history but also a major source of conflict in the peace process. Many feel that improvements in refugee camps alongside successful integration in host countries will dilute the intensity in the demand for a right for return. But is the cost of exclusion as a refugee, one worth paying for the Palestinian cause? Arwa Aburawa explores

Handala, the figure of a barefooted, ragged, young refugee is a timeless symbol of the Palestinian struggle. A creation of the cartoonist Naji Al-Ali who was assassinated in London, Handala is the eternal refugee; living a life in exile and refusing to forget his homeland Palestine. His image is scrawled across walls in refugees camps, waved on placards in protests and is a constant reminder that the experience of dispossession and exile are central to Palestinian identity. Indeed, according to the latest figures from UNRWA the total Palestinian refugee count is more than six million people.

Refugees and refugee camps have historically been at the centre of Palestinian resistance, fighting for their right of return which attracts a wide base of support. A report by the International Crisis Group adds that we shouldn't forget that “the right of return- not statehood- formed the original raison d'etre of the contemporary national movement, notably of the dominant Fatah movement and the PLO.” (Middle East Report No.22, Feb 2004). Now, these Palestinian organisations fear that significant improvements in the harsh living conditions of refugees camps coupled with resettlement plans, will lead to assimilation amongst refugees who will consequently abandon the Palestinian cause. As Azmi Bishara reiterates, “Palestinian national struggle began among the Palestinian refugees, whose lives are the ongoing reality of the Nakba. No national strategy for resistance is possible without them”.

With this is mind, it's obvious why many see the increased assimilation among young Palestinian refugees across the Arab states, as a real threat to the future of the Palestinian cause. Yet, from my time and experience with Palestinians living in Jordan, I'm not convinced that embracing Jordanian citizenship necessarily means abandoning Qadiyat Filistin.

Taking Jordan as an example, while the experience of Palestinian refugees may be considered unique, with 41.7% of all registered Palestinian refugees living in Jordan's boundaries they are somewhat representative. In contrast with refugees living in Lebanon who are classed by law as foreigners, Palestinian refugees in Jordan were confirmed as equal citizens with full civil rights by 1954. Even so, they continue to experience discrimination in education and employment, especially in the well-paid and prestigious public sector. Since 1948, various schemes have been put forward for resettling the refugees across the Arab world, yet many states have been unwilling to absorb the refugees. The only exception to this has been Jordan, which receives large amounts of development assistance from the international community to help resettle and integrate the refugees.

Baqa’a camp is the largest refugee camp still in existence in Jordan and is home to over 90,000 Palestinians whose tents have since 1969-71 been converted into prefabricated shelters and gradually into concrete blocks (UNRWA). The sprawling refugee camp is always bustling with life. Children play in narrow streets, whizz past on bikes, fly their kites and run into shops which are conveniently situated at the end of every street. It’s also hard to miss the elderly ladies who gather on front door steps to chat and hurl abuse at children who come close enough to be of a nuisance: “Ya Bush! You! God ruin you and your house! Look at this mess!”

Although assimilation was expected amongst the middle and upper classes who could afford to build new lives in the metropolitan centres, it was never anticipated within the refugee camps. Yet over the years there has been a distinct change in the attitudes of third generation, young refugees who are learning to embrace their Jordanian nationality. They have replaced the posters of Arafat on their walls for images of the smiling confident King Abduallah II.

To the earlier generations, admitting any pride in Jordan and claiming that you were Jordanian if you had Palestinian heritage was almost blasphemous. History was the way that they remembered who they were: Palestinians who never forget their beloved homeland. Not like the new generations, “they’re no good” they would retort. “All they care about is themselves and the latest mobiles. They have forgotten their forefathers’ struggles and their Palestinian identity. Wallah they have lost themselves and for what?!”

Ibtisaam, a young Palestinian refugee led me by the hand into her room to show me pictures of the King Abdullah of Jordan and tapes of Omar Al-Abdullat- a nationalistic Jordanian singer- hidden under her mattress. “I love Jordan” she whispered. When I asked Ibtisaam why she loved Jordan, she replied “the King hasn’t forgotten us in the refugee camps. Look how improved the markets are now; there's more space and asphalted roads, and in the winter, he gave us all coats and school bags. At least he's remembered us.” Even though many feel that 'admitting' allegiance to a country other than Palestine is an abandonment of their identity and support for Qadiyat Filistin, this isn't necessarily the case.

For those in refugee camps it's always hard to integrate into the host community as they are geographically apart from the rest of society and so their 'outsider' status is undeniable. But if young refugees like Ibtisaam feel that they are 'remembered' as part of the larger nation then its natural that they will move away from a single-minded Palestinian identification. Integration is likely given the length of exile that Palestinians have been objected to. 60 years is a long time, it's only natural that new identities and loyalties are formed when generation after generation is born and raised away from the homeland. And whilst many Palestinians are settled as part of Jordanian society, this does not in any way dilute their determination to have their right of return recognised.

As Jordanian blogger Fadi Zaghmout goes on to explain: “Palestine has always been in my heart because it was the place where my grandparents were born and lived, but it has never been my country and never would be.” Although he realises that moving back into their grandparents villages and towns may be difficult, Fadi maintains that this shouldn't be “an excuse for Israel to escape from compensation and the right for those people to go back.” Evidently, Palestinians who fully embrace their Jordanian identity continue to support refugees right of return and compensation for their families who suffered the effects of traumatic upheaval.

It is nonetheless apparent that they are seeing the conflict from a very different perspective to their grandparents. “The Palestinian cause for me is more about people rather than land.We all have Palestine in our hearts, and we all wants the best for our nation, but humans come first. We should concentrate on achieving peace and help raising the standard of living in the West Bank and Gaza.” Thus, the Palestinian cause is no longer framed as a strictly religious and national conflict against Zionism but is now informed by beliefs in human rights as outlined by international law. This new perspective is inferred by the characterisation of the conflict as one against apartheid, in which the Palestinian refugees are refused right of return whilst any person of Jewish descent from anywhere across the world can become an Israeli citizen.

The apartheid analysis is extremely powerful as it appeals to a much wider audience which has no interest in complex politics but supports equal rights for all human beings. It is also more inclusive as it is not relying on Palestinians to fight for their rights and homeland, appealing instead to humanity and its principles. This change in the character of the Palestinian cause, promoted by Palestinians across the world - no matter what nationality they hold- and by all those who value human life and equality, is helping to bolster the Palestinian cause. The are leaving behind any divides of nationality, religion or politics and focusing on protecting people who are being denied their basic human rights. And as Zaghmout put it so eloquently, human beings come first.

http://www.the-arab.com/the_arab_palestinian_identity_annihilation.htm

Palestinian, Jordanian, or both?

by Arwa Aburawa
23 September 2008

Manchester, England - “I love Jordan,” whispered a young refugee girl. “I love Jordan even though I’m Palestinian.”

Listening to Ibtisaam, a proud Palestinian who lives in the expansive refugee camps of Jordan, I could see that this was a hard confession to make. In light of her Palestinian pride it was hard to justify her love of Jordan since this was seen as a denial of her Palestinian self – a direct challenge to her Palestinian roots.

Why is this so? In a country where much of the population is of Palestinian-origin yet holds full Jordanian citizenship rights, why do many feel that they can’t be both Palestinian and Jordanian?

This is an ongoing debate between Jordanian nationalists and Jordanian pluralists. The nationalists have put forward an exclusive concept of identity, based on the notion that an individual can be loyal only to one country. They state that Palestinians can only become part of the Jordanian national community if they reject all aspects of their Palestinian identity.

Pluralists, on the other hand are in favour of an identity that embraces multiple loyalties, in which one can choose to be both Palestinian and Jordanian. Pluralists have also asserted the possibility for integration of Palestinian Jordanians without complete assimilation.

Nonetheless, a new generation of Palestinians is emerging which has no lived experience in Palestine, and while they have a strong sense of Palestine, they recognise that their long-term future is Jordan, not only because of the difficulties of returning but because they have made Jordan their home.

In building their lives in Jordan, many younger Palestinians have developed deep roots in the country in which they live. These young people are reinterpreting and reworking the social worlds they inherited. They are expressing these multiple identities and learning to move fluidly between elements of their identity – perhaps with some hesitation, but their confidence will grow.

In a sense, the Jordanian identity is already a hybrid of pre-state identities such as religion, Arab nationalism and a sense of tribalism. Early forms of Palestinian identity were also multi-faceted and allowed Palestinians to identify with the Ottoman Empire, religion, Arabism, and their homeland. It seems that both these identities – Jordanian and Palestinian – share a fluidity, a deep-rooted pluralism that lies at the heart of their national identity.

As a result, Jordanian identity needn’t be exclusive, it hasn’t been for a number of decades and its inclusivity towards diverse complementary identities can be illustrated throughout history. In other words, change towards a more inclusive national identity is possible.

According to Stefanie Nanes, assistant professor of political science at Hofstra University, for Jordan to become more inclusive of Palestinians isn’t a distant, extraordinary request; it would simply be a “continuation of a Jordanian practice of incorporation and inclusion.”

In Western communities where hybrid-identities are more widely accepted and acknowledged, Palestinians are already embracing their dual identity. Western citizens fully accept their Palestinian roots without having to reject the idea of being simultaneously British or American. Such a model may work well in Jordan where young Palestinians are no longer comfortable living on the margins of Jordanian society, as legal citizens but without a representative identity.

In our increasingly interconnected and multi-cultural world, where many people do not fit easily into one specific national identity – citizens whose identities are complex myriads of loyalties and communities – it is important that hyphenated plural identities become more widely accepted.

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* Arwa Aburawa is pursuing a masters degree in international journalism at Liverpool John Moores University in England. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.

http://www.commongroundnews.org/article.php?id=24027&lan=en&sid=1&sp=0