Haram al-Sharif: first qibla, second mosque and third holiest site in Islam
Nestled in the old city walls of Jerusalem, the Haram al-Sharif, or al-Aqsa Sanctuary, is the single most sacred site in the Holy Land. As the first qibla in Islam and third holiest site after Mecca and Medinah, this vast promenade also marks the blessed site of Prophet Muhammad's [pbuh] ascension to heaven. Indeed, Allah has blessed and honored this site for mankind to reap spiritual and material benefits even before the Prophet's [pbuh] ascension.
As Surah al-Isra reveals:
(Holy is He Who carried His servant by night from the Holy Mosque (in Makkah) to the Farther Mosque (in Jerusalem) whose surroundings We have blessed that We might show him some of Our Signs. Indeed He alone is All-Hearing, All-Seeing. ) [Al-Isra 17:1]
The Surah here refers to the al-Aqsa Sanctuary as the farthest mosque (or Masjid al-Aqsa in Arabic) and indeed the entire sanctuary is considered to be the second mosque built on earth- forty years after the Ka'bah was built. To commemorate the sacredness of this sanctuary as well as the historical events which had occurred within, Muslims across time have built numerous mosques and monuments within its boundaries. The most famous of these include the glimmering gold Dome of the Rock and the black-domed Masjid al-Aqsa.
Dome of the Rock- Icon of Islam
The Dome of the Rock or 'Qubbet as-Sakhra' is often held up as the first work of Islamic architecture and also the finest and most iconic symbol of Islam. As the name suggests, this mosque enclaves a sacred rock which many believe the Prophet Muhammad [pbuh] used to ascend to heaven during al-Isra and al-Miraj. Under the first ruling Muslim dynasty the Ummayads, 'Abd al-Malik made a concerted effort to beautify Jerusalem and endow it with the gleaming Dome of the Rock as well as the Masjid al-Aqsa.
The eight-sided building has undergone very little alteration since it was completed in the late sixth century. Some scholars have even stated that judging from the design of the building, a dome over the rock and double octagonal walls, it was not meant to serve as a mosque at all but solely meant to commemorate the sacred rock. Centrally focused on the rock, the building appears to have been built as a place of pilgrimage which could be circumambulated like the Ka'bah.
Architectural Masterpiece
Built in typical Byzantine style, the mosque seamlessly combines marble columns, striking blue mosaics, stained glass windows with a glittering golden dome. Qubbet as-Sakhra is accessible through flights of stairs each crowned by an arcade which leads to the raised platform on which the mosque sits. The large central dome (around 25 meters high and 20 meters in diameter) is placed on a cylindrical wall or 'drum' which is decorated with sixteen windows and is supported by twelve stone columns arranged in a circle within the mosque. The wooden dome which is covered with gold-plated lead is located directly above the sacred rock.
Each of the eight exterior walls of the octagon is divided into seven panels. The lower section is gray veined marble and the upper is decorated with magnificent porcelain tiles from Turkey. Intricately designed windows adorning the top of every panel let in light which softly illuminates the inside of the mosque. Mosaics of deep blue and green glass which once enveloped the upper panel walls were almost completely replaced in the Ottoman period by Turkish tiles, however some originals remain inside.
At the very top of these exterior walls, a narrow band of Arabic inscription written in white letters against a blue background weaves 250m of Qu'ran around the building. These inscriptions which highlight the tenants of Islam and the prophet Muhammad as the final messenger, reflect the important role of the Dome of the Rock in a Jerusalem filled with monuments to Judaism and Christianity.
The mosque has four entrance from the north, south, east and west which take you through to the most lavish and spectacular interior designs of the monument. The mosaics inside the Qubbet as-Sakhra apply elaborate geometric patterns against a gold foil and in mother-of-pearl background intertwined with vegetal (stylized fruits, flowers and trees). The supporting bars above the central columns have even retained their bronze facing from the Mamluk and Ottoman period and are classically decorated with palmettes, acanthus leaves and vine tendrils.
Internally, the dome of Qubbet as-Sakhra is also magnificently decorated with concentric circles of painted and gilded arabesques which date back to the restoration of Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II in 1818.
Masjid Al-Aqsa: Spiritual Centre of Jerusalem
The second building constructed on the Haram al-Sharif is the black-domed Masjid al-Aqsa. Built 709 – 715 AD by Caliph Abd' al-Malik, this large mosque accommodates around 5,000 people and is dedicated to Bilal the first muezzin of Islam.
Masjid al-Aqsa has also been significantly re-built and modified several times due to major earthquakes and religious conflicts in the region. For example, under the Crusaders the mosque was converted into a church known as 'Solomon's Temple' up until 1187 AD when Saladin reclaimed Jerusalem and the Haram as a Muslim sanctuary. It also believed that the mosque was preceded by an earlier construction associated with Caliph Umar Ibn al-Khattab who cleared the Haram al-Sharif of debris and erected a simple mosque named Masjid al-'Umari.
In the light of this history, the present mosque is an elegant building- spacious, calm and perfectly suited to prayers and quiet contemplation. It has nine entrances; seven through the northern wall, one on the east and another on the west sides.
Topped with graceful arches, the northern entrances lead into the seven aisles of the mosque which are separated by massive columns. Of the 45 columns, 12 are made of stone and 33 are made from white marble- some of these marble columns were even donated by Benito Mussolini! The main arched doorway leads into the central aisle which has a beautifully painted and carved elevated roof and an elegant mihrab. The masjid's walls are also decorated with 121 stained-glass windows styled in geometric patterns and Qu'ranic inscriptions which illuminate the interior. .
The graceful silver-black dome which we see today is the outcome of a series of reconstructions, some of which occurred as recently as 1969. The dome, which had been previously reinforced using concrete and anodized aluminum, was reconstructed using lead enamelwork to match the original design of the architects.
Internally, the dome is decorated with intricate mosaics and marble designs from the fourteenth century. Mosaics above the central aisle arch and around the drum of the dome are even older and date back to 1035 AD. Saladin also gave the mosque a magnificent carved wooden minbar to commemorate the freedom of Jerusalem from the Crusaders, which was sadly burnt in an arson attack in 1969. It's important to note that when the Qu'ran refers to Masjid al-Aqsa, it is not the black-domed mosque later named in its honor which is implied but the entire al-Aqsa sanctuary.
Blessed Land and Not Blessed Buildings
Finally, while we must celebrate the magnificent mosques and monuments built by Muslims to commemorate this holy sanctuary, we must remember that it is the land of the al-Aqsa Sanctuary that is blessed and not its buildings. Indeed at the time of the Prophet Muhammad mosques were built only with functionality in mind. Designs were simple and mosques constructed using sun-dried mud bricks. Despite their humble simplicity, these mosques wholeheartedly fulfilled their essential purpose as a communal space for the faithful to gather and to pray.
Showing posts with label Friends of Al Aqsa. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Friends of Al Aqsa. Show all posts
Fears for the children of Gaza
January 2009
Friends of Al-Aqsa Newspaper
by Arwa Aburawa
As the attack on the Gaza Strip continues, a Palestinian human rights organisation has warned of the immediate danger to children being targeted and killed by Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF). The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights states in its latest report that, “If the Tahdiya (ceasefire/calming) is renounced by either side and the hostilities resume, then children living in the Gaza Strip will immediately be once more at risk of being targeted and killed by the IOF.”
Conflict first erupted in the Gaza Strip on November 4, when Israeli forces killed six Palestinians in a raid. Ongoing retaliatory attacks between the two sides raised concerns that the ceasefire agreement would either disintegrate ahead of its expiry or a new agreement would not be reached. The heightened blockade on Gaza, put in place at the beginning of the hostilities also attracted criticism from humanitarian organisation due to rapidly dwindling food, fuel and medical supplies. A report by the International Committee of the Red Cross revealed that the blockade had led to a steady rise in chronic malnutrition among the 1.5 million people living in the Gaza Strip.
Whilst the threat of malnutrition was noted, the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) feared that the rise in hostilities would mark the return of a significant military threat to Palestinian children. According to the PCHR report, Blood On Their Hands, Israel has “consistently failed in its legal obligation to offer protection towards the children of the Occupied Palestinian Territories.”
Since the Second Intifada in 2000, Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) have killed more than 860 children in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, mainly within the Gaza Strip. Rather than respecting International Humanitarian Laws which grant children protection during armed conflict and occupation, the Israeli Occupation Force consistently use “excessive lethal force against Palestinian children.”
From June 2007 to June 2008 alone, 68 children were killed in the Gaza Strip. These lethal attacks on innocent children- some only one years old- are justified by the IOF as a response to militant groups firing missiles. However, PCHR investigations into such allegations have consistently refuted this, stating that the “IOF war on children in the Gaza Strip has increasingly involved IOF use of advanced military technology to pinpoint, and kill the intended targets.”
On 1 March 2008, twelve year old Safaa Abu-Saif from Jabalia of northern Gaza bled to death after being hit by a single bullet. Her only crime was to take the outdoor stairs up to visit her aunties during the large-scale military operation in the Gaza Strip which was launched on February of the same year. She was struck down by IOF and when an ambulance was called, the family were told that they would be unable to make it as Palestinian ambulances were being targeted by Israeli tanks. Trapped inside their home, the family struggled to tend to Safaa who died three hours later.
Evidence suggests that IOF are using snipers to target children, further undermining claims that they are targeting legitimate military targets. PCHR investigations into 110 civilian deaths between February/March 2008 also 2008 confirmed "widespread use of excessive lethal force against civilians in the Gaza Strip, and the deliberate targeting of civilians, including children.”
Sadly, this is one of many widespread human rights violations against Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories which has resulted in the deaths of 3,724 unarmed civilians since 2000. PCHR’s report remarked that: “civilians were undoubtedly deliberately targeted, as the IOF bombarded, shot and shelled in and around densely populated civilian areas, where it was clearly impossible to distinguish between military and civilian targets.”
The recent attacks on Gaza deaths are clear indicators that the targeting young children and civilians is set to continue. Furthermore with ground troops now inside the Gaza Strip, new evidence indicates that Israel is openly targeting civilians. Such a blatant disregard for the lives of Palestinians and their young children cannot go unquestioned any longer.
Arwa Aburawa is a freelance Journalist
http://www.aqsa.org.uk/Portals/0/Newspapers/issue39_complete_4web.pdf
Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. Book Review
Reviewed by Arwa Aburawa, Manchester
Saree Makdisi is no historian; he isn’t a political commentator, activist or even a semi-political writer. He’s a professor of English literature at UCLA, and whilst you may think that this disqualifies him from adding to the already crowded field of the Palestine/Israel conflict, his work is quite simply a breath of fresh air. His book, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation, isn’t about historical findings it doesn’t contain in-depth political analysis, rather it is a book about the daily struggle of ordinary Palestinians dealing with passes, permits, curfews, checkpoints and closures. The loss of control over their inner and outer lives and how the occupation has become as it were an everyday occupation. It explores how the Israeli state has isolated Palestinians from their land, livelihoods and each other and how they can regain their freedom through a single, secular and democratic state solution.
The introduction sadly ignores convention by failing to address the historiography of the conflict, to explain the chapter structures or aims of the book. This leaves the reader feeling a little bit lost as the layout of the chapters is quite unusual. The book goes headfirst into the personal story of Sam Bahour who received orders from the Israeli government to leave his home, family and livelihood in the West Bank and never to return. As Makdisi states these stories of personal struggle may not be spectacular “since they occur on an individual and intimately personal scale”, “silently and invisibly” but they are pushing the Palestinians to the edge of dissolution (p.5-6). “A politically charged vision, having assumed the neutral and technical language of administration procedures and bureaucratic regulations, is played out in government offices, at roadblocks and checkpoints, and in planning applications; housing permits; citizenship, identity and residency documents- and, of course visa stamps” (p.5). This political vision is of Israel as an entirely Jewish state, aiming to solve the ‘demographic problem’ of the Palestinian people by making their lives unbearable in the hope that they will simply leave.
The first chapter titled “Outsides” explores how the construction of the Wall has created clear boundaries around who belongs whilst pushing Palestinians ‘outside’ their lands and also ‘outside’ a normal, peaceful existence. It looks particularly at the ‘Seam Zone’- an area between the 1967 border and the wall- and how 60,500 Palestinians who now live in this area are denied access to their own land and emergency medical care (p.24). The extent of the devastation is illustrated by personal accounts of accidents turning into fatalities when Israeli soldiers refuse to grant access to hospitals without ‘relevant permits’ (p.23-8). Makdisi also explains how the Oslo agreement played a vital part in this ‘hyperregulation’ as it institutionalised the checkpoints, curfews, roadblocks which have “led to ever-greater immobilization and paralysis, political infighting, soaring unemployment, and economic collapse” (p.85).
“Insides”- the second chapter- considers the personal and intimate impact of the bureaucratic controls which dictate “who one is, where one can go, where one can live and work” (p.102). This is demonstrated through the demolition of homes, the separation of families without the correct permits and family unification papers. Hence “all the normal markers of inside, home life- the relationship of family members to each other, the legality of their existence as a family, the security of their most intimate domestic space- are undone” (p.119, emphasis added). Another aspect of this is the fact that illegal Jewish settlements in the occupied territories are strategically implanted to fragment the pre-existing Palestinian communities. Even Jewish homes are specifically designed to encourage surveillance and inspection -and therefore control- of the surrounding Palestinian population (p.122-4).
Vulnerability of Palestinian inner space is portrayed by the personal story of Maryam al-Natsheh, whose home was intruded by armed Israeli settlers in Hebron. Her nine-year old son, Falah, was beaten up whilst her other son Ahmad was stabbed in the back; shockingly such attacks are common occurrences (p.139-40). These policies form part of an Israeli strategy to ‘encourage “voluntary” transfer’ and so displace yet another Palestinian family.
‘Outside In’ the third chapter looks at how certain Palestinian communities have become virtual open-air prisons. For example, Israel’s tight regulation of Gaza’s borders, imports and exports, agriculture, electricity has cut them off from the outside world and destroyed any hope for economic and social recovery (p.156). They are subject to frequent Israeli raids and bombardments, arbitrary curfews and closures which block the export of agricultural products and the flow of medicine and medical equipment. As a result, “more than half of the families in Gaza now eat only one meagre meal a day” (p.166-70). Such disproportionate military reactions to Palestinian resistance and the ‘collective punishment’ of entire populations have been condemned as war crimes by the U.N.’s Special Rapporteur on Human Rights John Dugard (p.176-7).
Inside Out, the fourth chapter highlights how Israeli settlers- under the protection of Israeli soldiers-are taking over entire cities such as Hebron and forcing Palestinians out as part of a permanent process of dispossessing Arabs. Israel’s policy of ethnic cleansing is confirmed by the fact that “Palestinians are routinely denied building permits, and their homes are frequently demolished- but there are government incentives making it easier for Jewish individuals and families to buy or rent space in settlements built in the occupied territories” (p.12). Recent access to Israel’s military archives has also allowed academics to reconstruct the true extent of the Nakba and confirm the basic Palestinian account of 1948 as a war of expulsion. This has allowed shocking statistic to emerge which demonstrate the true extent of dispossession; for example 531 Palestinian towns and villages have been destroyed or depopulated since 1948 (p.233).
The personal accounts which illustrate the deeply individual impact of the occupation are central to the book’s theme. They are honestly touching, poignant, even haunting and their words will stay with you. For example Laila el-Haddad who waited at the Israeli controlled border with Egypt for hours on end, day-after day describes her experience:
“There is something you feel as you stand there for hours at a time, waiting to be let through the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing. It is something of your humanity slowly drifting away. It is gradual, but unmistakable. And you are never quite the same again” (p.158).
Moshe Nissim’s - an Israeli soldier who operates armoured bulldozers- horrifying, honest statement depicts the unnerving malice which simmers in the mind of the aggressor: “I got a real kick out of every house that was demolished because I knew that dying means nothing to them, while the loss of their house means more to them. You destroy a house and you destroy forty or fifty people for generations. If one thing bothers me about all this, it is that we didn’t wipe out the whole camp” (p.184).
Whilst the book does focus on personal stories, it is not at the expense of clarity as there is enough history and politics to ensure the novice readers can understand the conflict. Major historical events such as the Nakba, the 1967 war, the Intifada and Oslo are all covered throughout and the final chapter focuses on more recent events such as Annapolis, the electoral success of Hamas in 2006 and the subsequent siege of Gaza. The final installation also elaborates Makdisi’s conviction in a one-state solution which grants both the Palestinians and Israeli’s equal rights- including Palestinian refugee’s right of return- to help secure a just and lasting peace.
The only drawback is that the book is repetitive in places, especially in its effort to condemn Israel as breaking human rights as defined by international law. Makdisi constantly repeats U.N Security Council resolutions, alongside Geneva Conventions, International Law and the International Court of Justice as if Israel could be shamed into submission. Overall, however, this book is a vital shift from an academic audience to the general public who will require a readable and humanist portrayal of the on-going conflict. It is powerful, thought-provoking and deeply moving.
The harrowing accounts of oppression, personal attacks, deaths, control and crippling sieges which Palestinians face gives you real a sense of the suffocation of life occurring. Nonetheless the author maintains that there is room for hope as the struggle for equality within a single, secular state is a cleaner, more popular and ultimately more powerful struggle- which will succeed with a little compromise from either side (p.292). As he puts it so eloquently: Palestinians have to realise that they will never recuperate Palestine as it was before the arrival of Zionism, and Israelis will never realise a purely Jewish state- they must both put their two impossible ideals aside for the sake of a common future (p287).
Arwa Aburawa, Manchester
Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation
BY SAREE MAKDISI,
W.W. Norton & Company, 2008,
ISBN 978-0-393-06606-7,
pp.343,
£15.99
http://www.aqsa.org.uk/RESOURCES/BookReviews/tabid/83/ctl/Details/mid/377/ItemID/1551/language/en-US/Default.aspx
Saree Makdisi is no historian; he isn’t a political commentator, activist or even a semi-political writer. He’s a professor of English literature at UCLA, and whilst you may think that this disqualifies him from adding to the already crowded field of the Palestine/Israel conflict, his work is quite simply a breath of fresh air. His book, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation, isn’t about historical findings it doesn’t contain in-depth political analysis, rather it is a book about the daily struggle of ordinary Palestinians dealing with passes, permits, curfews, checkpoints and closures. The loss of control over their inner and outer lives and how the occupation has become as it were an everyday occupation. It explores how the Israeli state has isolated Palestinians from their land, livelihoods and each other and how they can regain their freedom through a single, secular and democratic state solution.
The introduction sadly ignores convention by failing to address the historiography of the conflict, to explain the chapter structures or aims of the book. This leaves the reader feeling a little bit lost as the layout of the chapters is quite unusual. The book goes headfirst into the personal story of Sam Bahour who received orders from the Israeli government to leave his home, family and livelihood in the West Bank and never to return. As Makdisi states these stories of personal struggle may not be spectacular “since they occur on an individual and intimately personal scale”, “silently and invisibly” but they are pushing the Palestinians to the edge of dissolution (p.5-6). “A politically charged vision, having assumed the neutral and technical language of administration procedures and bureaucratic regulations, is played out in government offices, at roadblocks and checkpoints, and in planning applications; housing permits; citizenship, identity and residency documents- and, of course visa stamps” (p.5). This political vision is of Israel as an entirely Jewish state, aiming to solve the ‘demographic problem’ of the Palestinian people by making their lives unbearable in the hope that they will simply leave.
The first chapter titled “Outsides” explores how the construction of the Wall has created clear boundaries around who belongs whilst pushing Palestinians ‘outside’ their lands and also ‘outside’ a normal, peaceful existence. It looks particularly at the ‘Seam Zone’- an area between the 1967 border and the wall- and how 60,500 Palestinians who now live in this area are denied access to their own land and emergency medical care (p.24). The extent of the devastation is illustrated by personal accounts of accidents turning into fatalities when Israeli soldiers refuse to grant access to hospitals without ‘relevant permits’ (p.23-8). Makdisi also explains how the Oslo agreement played a vital part in this ‘hyperregulation’ as it institutionalised the checkpoints, curfews, roadblocks which have “led to ever-greater immobilization and paralysis, political infighting, soaring unemployment, and economic collapse” (p.85).
“Insides”- the second chapter- considers the personal and intimate impact of the bureaucratic controls which dictate “who one is, where one can go, where one can live and work” (p.102). This is demonstrated through the demolition of homes, the separation of families without the correct permits and family unification papers. Hence “all the normal markers of inside, home life- the relationship of family members to each other, the legality of their existence as a family, the security of their most intimate domestic space- are undone” (p.119, emphasis added). Another aspect of this is the fact that illegal Jewish settlements in the occupied territories are strategically implanted to fragment the pre-existing Palestinian communities. Even Jewish homes are specifically designed to encourage surveillance and inspection -and therefore control- of the surrounding Palestinian population (p.122-4).
Vulnerability of Palestinian inner space is portrayed by the personal story of Maryam al-Natsheh, whose home was intruded by armed Israeli settlers in Hebron. Her nine-year old son, Falah, was beaten up whilst her other son Ahmad was stabbed in the back; shockingly such attacks are common occurrences (p.139-40). These policies form part of an Israeli strategy to ‘encourage “voluntary” transfer’ and so displace yet another Palestinian family.
‘Outside In’ the third chapter looks at how certain Palestinian communities have become virtual open-air prisons. For example, Israel’s tight regulation of Gaza’s borders, imports and exports, agriculture, electricity has cut them off from the outside world and destroyed any hope for economic and social recovery (p.156). They are subject to frequent Israeli raids and bombardments, arbitrary curfews and closures which block the export of agricultural products and the flow of medicine and medical equipment. As a result, “more than half of the families in Gaza now eat only one meagre meal a day” (p.166-70). Such disproportionate military reactions to Palestinian resistance and the ‘collective punishment’ of entire populations have been condemned as war crimes by the U.N.’s Special Rapporteur on Human Rights John Dugard (p.176-7).
Inside Out, the fourth chapter highlights how Israeli settlers- under the protection of Israeli soldiers-are taking over entire cities such as Hebron and forcing Palestinians out as part of a permanent process of dispossessing Arabs. Israel’s policy of ethnic cleansing is confirmed by the fact that “Palestinians are routinely denied building permits, and their homes are frequently demolished- but there are government incentives making it easier for Jewish individuals and families to buy or rent space in settlements built in the occupied territories” (p.12). Recent access to Israel’s military archives has also allowed academics to reconstruct the true extent of the Nakba and confirm the basic Palestinian account of 1948 as a war of expulsion. This has allowed shocking statistic to emerge which demonstrate the true extent of dispossession; for example 531 Palestinian towns and villages have been destroyed or depopulated since 1948 (p.233).
The personal accounts which illustrate the deeply individual impact of the occupation are central to the book’s theme. They are honestly touching, poignant, even haunting and their words will stay with you. For example Laila el-Haddad who waited at the Israeli controlled border with Egypt for hours on end, day-after day describes her experience:
“There is something you feel as you stand there for hours at a time, waiting to be let through the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing. It is something of your humanity slowly drifting away. It is gradual, but unmistakable. And you are never quite the same again” (p.158).
Moshe Nissim’s - an Israeli soldier who operates armoured bulldozers- horrifying, honest statement depicts the unnerving malice which simmers in the mind of the aggressor: “I got a real kick out of every house that was demolished because I knew that dying means nothing to them, while the loss of their house means more to them. You destroy a house and you destroy forty or fifty people for generations. If one thing bothers me about all this, it is that we didn’t wipe out the whole camp” (p.184).
Whilst the book does focus on personal stories, it is not at the expense of clarity as there is enough history and politics to ensure the novice readers can understand the conflict. Major historical events such as the Nakba, the 1967 war, the Intifada and Oslo are all covered throughout and the final chapter focuses on more recent events such as Annapolis, the electoral success of Hamas in 2006 and the subsequent siege of Gaza. The final installation also elaborates Makdisi’s conviction in a one-state solution which grants both the Palestinians and Israeli’s equal rights- including Palestinian refugee’s right of return- to help secure a just and lasting peace.
The only drawback is that the book is repetitive in places, especially in its effort to condemn Israel as breaking human rights as defined by international law. Makdisi constantly repeats U.N Security Council resolutions, alongside Geneva Conventions, International Law and the International Court of Justice as if Israel could be shamed into submission. Overall, however, this book is a vital shift from an academic audience to the general public who will require a readable and humanist portrayal of the on-going conflict. It is powerful, thought-provoking and deeply moving.
The harrowing accounts of oppression, personal attacks, deaths, control and crippling sieges which Palestinians face gives you real a sense of the suffocation of life occurring. Nonetheless the author maintains that there is room for hope as the struggle for equality within a single, secular state is a cleaner, more popular and ultimately more powerful struggle- which will succeed with a little compromise from either side (p.292). As he puts it so eloquently: Palestinians have to realise that they will never recuperate Palestine as it was before the arrival of Zionism, and Israelis will never realise a purely Jewish state- they must both put their two impossible ideals aside for the sake of a common future (p287).
Arwa Aburawa, Manchester
Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation
BY SAREE MAKDISI,
W.W. Norton & Company, 2008,
ISBN 978-0-393-06606-7,
pp.343,
£15.99
http://www.aqsa.org.uk/RESOURCES/BookReviews/tabid/83/ctl/Details/mid/377/ItemID/1551/language/en-US/Default.aspx
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