Lemon Trees and Security Walls: Life Under Conflict in Palestine

Lemon Tree movie poster.

Title: Lemon Tree
Year: 2008
Director: Eran Riklis
Leads: Hiam Abbass, Ali Suliman, Doran Tovery and Rona Lipaz-Michael
Language: Arabic and Hebrew
Length: 106 minutes

"Trees are like people, they have souls, they have feelings. They need to be talked to, need tender loving care." (Abu Hussam in Lemon Tree)

Set on the West Bank's Green line, Lemon Tree, is a poignant film of one Palestinian woman's fight to save her lemon grove from Israeli destruction. "It's based on a few true stories that I encountered," explains the film director Eran Riklis, "plus hundreds of thousands of stories that are similar, in sense of the Palestinian person trying to protect his house, his land, his trees."

While the story of Palestinian struggle is not new, what is unique here is the film's ability to portray tragedy without being melodramatic and to humanize the Palestinians without demonizing the Israelis. Rather, Lemon Tree highlights the ultimate brutalization of both the Palestinians and Israelis due to the tension and constant fear in which the two societies live.

The film follows the story of Salma Zidane (Hiam Abbass), a Palestinian widow who makes a meager living from a lemon grove inherited from her father. Salma's quiet and isolated existence is turned on its head when the Israeli Defense Minister and his wife move into the neighborhood.

The Minister's officious security team quickly set up a watch-tower over the area but their fears over “Arab terrorists” is lurking in Salma's lemon grove entailing its destruction which is soon ordered.

Salma avows to protect every remaining tree and with the help of local lawyer Ziad Daud (Ali Suliman), she takes her protest all the way to the Israeli High Court. Although Salma is determined to save her trees, which she continues to tend to even when forced out of the grove at gunpoint, her case looks hopeless, as one lawyer states, "Lemon trees and the Defense Minister, a lethal combination."

Hiam Abbas as Salma

Communities in isolation; Communities in conflict

A turning point comes when Miri, the Defense Minister's wife, publicly expresses sympathy for Salma's plight. The case subsequently becomes headline news, even reaching Europe, where campaigners decide to take up Salma's cause.

Despite the mounting tensions on either side, a mutual bond of respect and understanding develops between Miri and Salma. Their shared experience of isolation and growing detachment from friends and family, means that they are able to recognize each other's loneliness, and understand the pain of separation.

In fact, this sense of isolation and division which exists not only between people, but also across entire communities, is Lemon Tree’s central theme.

The most obvious example of this division is between the two neighbors, who seem to live in entirely separate worlds, though they live on the same street. Despite the huge impact they have on each other's life, the Defense Minister has threatened Salma's livelihood, and she has taken him to court. They never actually sit down and talk to each other.

Even Salma and Miri, who clearly have sympathy for each other, barely exchange a word. This is a clear metaphor for the growing segregation between the Israelis and Palestinians and the increasingly isolated communities in which they live.

The "Apartheid Wall" which now separates Israel from the West Bank, as well as the existence of over 500 checkpoints and roadblocks which indiscriminately affect the Palestinians, make a positive interaction between Palestinians and Israelis absolutely difficult.

There is also a simmering conflict between the Defense Minister and his wife, who complains that they barely spend time together, and voices her suspicion that he is being unfaithful. Miri's obvious sympathy for Salma, and the build-up of the media storm, places further strain on their relationship.

While Miri challenges the logic behind the destruction of Salma's lemon grove, the Minister states that he is unwilling to challenge the Secret Services' decision, which, he reminds her, has been made for their very safety.

This disagreement between the Israeli couple is a microcosm of the deep divisions within the Israeli society with regards to resolving the “Palestinian issue” and the future of the Israeli state.

It reflects the common dispute between certain Israelis who feel that everything must be done to keep Israel safe (even if that means that the Palestinians should suffer), and those who feel that the very notion that safety can be bought at the expense of others' freedom are suspects.

Surprisingly, the film does manage to throw in some humor; be it dry and gut-wrenchingly ironic. In one scene, the Defense Minister decides to host a house-warming party for his Israeli guests, with Arabic music and traditionally Arabic food- all Kosher, naturally.

The irony is not lost to the viewer, especially when the chef also realizes that he has forgotten to bring lemons, and all the eyes turn to Salma's orchard with bright fruit.

Palestinian Suffering and Hollywood Endings?

My only critique of Lemon Tree is that it fails to explore the systematic discrimination, and sometimes outright brutality, that Palestinians face on a daily basis. The recent war on Gaza, and the blockade which continues, illustrate the brutal force that Israel can launch against the Palestinian people.

The World Bank's overview of the Palestinian economy also asserts that nearly half of all Palestinian families now live below the poverty line. The reason for this dramatic deterioration, is the "multi-faceted system of restrictions on the movement of Palestinian people and goods, which the Government of Israel argues essential to protect Israelis." (World Bank, November 2004).

Palestinians also face an array of crippling bureaucratic regulations on everything, including planning applications for housing permits, citizenship, identity cards, and visas. These restrictions, whether subtle or spectacular, are simply not acknowledged in the film.

The recognition and media attention that Salma’s case receives also seems to be a little contrived and unrealistic in a country where house demolitions are widespread and serious human rights abuses occur without reprisal.

However, I still understand why Riklis - director of the critically acclaimed film, Syrian Bride, decided to use a story which was subtle and unspectacular. This means that there are no clear "good" and "bad" guys to simplify the story and we can not dismiss one person's concern at the expense of another’s.

To put it quite plainly, it is more representative of the real conflict and the more commonplace struggles that we just do not hear of in the news. Even the final decision by the Israeli High court seems ambiguous, it is not going to save all Salma's trees, but it is no happy ending. As we are reminded by Salma’s lawyer, happy endings are possible only in Hollywood.

Prison Walls and Finding Freedom

Although it might have been easier to portray this story as a battle of David and Goliath, the reality is that in the end they both sacrifice something dear to themselves. Salma loses some of her trees although she seems to gain more determination, confidence and even strength through her struggle. However, what the Defense Minister loses is much more significant; not only his wife who leaves him in the end, but also his freedom.

Israel may be building walls to keep the "Palestinian threat"out, but it has also built its very own prison, and thereby is holding its citizens captive. The ending illustrates this without any ambiguity.

In the closing sequence, the Defense Minister sits silently smoking; watching as the curtains are drawn away from his window, instead of Salma's lemon grove, all he sees is cold solid wall.

Lemon Tree, which won the Audience Award at the Berlin Film Festival, is a beautifully made film, perfected by a formidable cast. Hiam Abbass, who plays Salma, brings an elegant dignity to her role, and helps this drama seamlessly combine the political with the personal.

Ali Suliman, who some may recognize from the Oscar-nominated Paradise Now, as well as Doran Tovery (Defense Minister) and Rona Lipaz-Michael (Miri), also gives strong performances which keep the story engaging.

That Riklis managed to create such a balanced and honest exploration of the conflict in Palestine/Israel, is a magnificent achievement, and on that note alone, Lemon Tree is a must see.

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Arwa Aburawa is a freelance journalist based in the UK, who specialises in local politics, Palestine, climate change, women's rights, and arts & culture. She can be contacted via her blog: http://voiceagainstempire.blogspot.com/ or website: http://arwafreelance.wordpress.com/

Keeping the cause alive: Is assimilation leading to annihilation of Palestinian identity?

The Arab: Issue 6 (Nov/Dec 2008)

Palestinian refugees are a major unifying facet of Palestinian identity and an important symbol of Palestinian history but also a major source of conflict in the peace process. Many feel that improvements in refugee camps alongside successful integration in host countries will dilute the intensity in the demand for a right for return. But is the cost of exclusion as a refugee, one worth paying for the Palestinian cause? Arwa Aburawa explores

Handala, the figure of a barefooted, ragged, young refugee is a timeless symbol of the Palestinian struggle. A creation of the cartoonist Naji Al-Ali who was assassinated in London, Handala is the eternal refugee; living a life in exile and refusing to forget his homeland Palestine. His image is scrawled across walls in refugees camps, waved on placards in protests and is a constant reminder that the experience of dispossession and exile are central to Palestinian identity. Indeed, according to the latest figures from UNRWA the total Palestinian refugee count is more than six million people.

Refugees and refugee camps have historically been at the centre of Palestinian resistance, fighting for their right of return which attracts a wide base of support. A report by the International Crisis Group adds that we shouldn't forget that “the right of return- not statehood- formed the original raison d'etre of the contemporary national movement, notably of the dominant Fatah movement and the PLO.” (Middle East Report No.22, Feb 2004). Now, these Palestinian organisations fear that significant improvements in the harsh living conditions of refugees camps coupled with resettlement plans, will lead to assimilation amongst refugees who will consequently abandon the Palestinian cause. As Azmi Bishara reiterates, “Palestinian national struggle began among the Palestinian refugees, whose lives are the ongoing reality of the Nakba. No national strategy for resistance is possible without them”.

With this is mind, it's obvious why many see the increased assimilation among young Palestinian refugees across the Arab states, as a real threat to the future of the Palestinian cause. Yet, from my time and experience with Palestinians living in Jordan, I'm not convinced that embracing Jordanian citizenship necessarily means abandoning Qadiyat Filistin.

Taking Jordan as an example, while the experience of Palestinian refugees may be considered unique, with 41.7% of all registered Palestinian refugees living in Jordan's boundaries they are somewhat representative. In contrast with refugees living in Lebanon who are classed by law as foreigners, Palestinian refugees in Jordan were confirmed as equal citizens with full civil rights by 1954. Even so, they continue to experience discrimination in education and employment, especially in the well-paid and prestigious public sector. Since 1948, various schemes have been put forward for resettling the refugees across the Arab world, yet many states have been unwilling to absorb the refugees. The only exception to this has been Jordan, which receives large amounts of development assistance from the international community to help resettle and integrate the refugees.

Baqa’a camp is the largest refugee camp still in existence in Jordan and is home to over 90,000 Palestinians whose tents have since 1969-71 been converted into prefabricated shelters and gradually into concrete blocks (UNRWA). The sprawling refugee camp is always bustling with life. Children play in narrow streets, whizz past on bikes, fly their kites and run into shops which are conveniently situated at the end of every street. It’s also hard to miss the elderly ladies who gather on front door steps to chat and hurl abuse at children who come close enough to be of a nuisance: “Ya Bush! You! God ruin you and your house! Look at this mess!”

Although assimilation was expected amongst the middle and upper classes who could afford to build new lives in the metropolitan centres, it was never anticipated within the refugee camps. Yet over the years there has been a distinct change in the attitudes of third generation, young refugees who are learning to embrace their Jordanian nationality. They have replaced the posters of Arafat on their walls for images of the smiling confident King Abduallah II.

To the earlier generations, admitting any pride in Jordan and claiming that you were Jordanian if you had Palestinian heritage was almost blasphemous. History was the way that they remembered who they were: Palestinians who never forget their beloved homeland. Not like the new generations, “they’re no good” they would retort. “All they care about is themselves and the latest mobiles. They have forgotten their forefathers’ struggles and their Palestinian identity. Wallah they have lost themselves and for what?!”

Ibtisaam, a young Palestinian refugee led me by the hand into her room to show me pictures of the King Abdullah of Jordan and tapes of Omar Al-Abdullat- a nationalistic Jordanian singer- hidden under her mattress. “I love Jordan” she whispered. When I asked Ibtisaam why she loved Jordan, she replied “the King hasn’t forgotten us in the refugee camps. Look how improved the markets are now; there's more space and asphalted roads, and in the winter, he gave us all coats and school bags. At least he's remembered us.” Even though many feel that 'admitting' allegiance to a country other than Palestine is an abandonment of their identity and support for Qadiyat Filistin, this isn't necessarily the case.

For those in refugee camps it's always hard to integrate into the host community as they are geographically apart from the rest of society and so their 'outsider' status is undeniable. But if young refugees like Ibtisaam feel that they are 'remembered' as part of the larger nation then its natural that they will move away from a single-minded Palestinian identification. Integration is likely given the length of exile that Palestinians have been objected to. 60 years is a long time, it's only natural that new identities and loyalties are formed when generation after generation is born and raised away from the homeland. And whilst many Palestinians are settled as part of Jordanian society, this does not in any way dilute their determination to have their right of return recognised.

As Jordanian blogger Fadi Zaghmout goes on to explain: “Palestine has always been in my heart because it was the place where my grandparents were born and lived, but it has never been my country and never would be.” Although he realises that moving back into their grandparents villages and towns may be difficult, Fadi maintains that this shouldn't be “an excuse for Israel to escape from compensation and the right for those people to go back.” Evidently, Palestinians who fully embrace their Jordanian identity continue to support refugees right of return and compensation for their families who suffered the effects of traumatic upheaval.

It is nonetheless apparent that they are seeing the conflict from a very different perspective to their grandparents. “The Palestinian cause for me is more about people rather than land.We all have Palestine in our hearts, and we all wants the best for our nation, but humans come first. We should concentrate on achieving peace and help raising the standard of living in the West Bank and Gaza.” Thus, the Palestinian cause is no longer framed as a strictly religious and national conflict against Zionism but is now informed by beliefs in human rights as outlined by international law. This new perspective is inferred by the characterisation of the conflict as one against apartheid, in which the Palestinian refugees are refused right of return whilst any person of Jewish descent from anywhere across the world can become an Israeli citizen.

The apartheid analysis is extremely powerful as it appeals to a much wider audience which has no interest in complex politics but supports equal rights for all human beings. It is also more inclusive as it is not relying on Palestinians to fight for their rights and homeland, appealing instead to humanity and its principles. This change in the character of the Palestinian cause, promoted by Palestinians across the world - no matter what nationality they hold- and by all those who value human life and equality, is helping to bolster the Palestinian cause. The are leaving behind any divides of nationality, religion or politics and focusing on protecting people who are being denied their basic human rights. And as Zaghmout put it so eloquently, human beings come first.

http://www.the-arab.com/the_arab_palestinian_identity_annihilation.htm